Zimbabwe set for fresh political chaos as Mugabe decrees date for elections and quashes constitution
Zimbabwe seems poised for a fresh political crisis following Robert Mugabe's declaration of an election for next month which has now been rejected as "unlawful" by his chief rival.Seeking to extend his 33-year rule Mugabe on Thursday used a presidential decree to bypass parliament and set the long-awaited poll for 31 July.
"Given the deadline imposed by the constitutional court it is inexpedient to await the passage through parliament of an act dealing with the situation," the 89-year-old said in a government notice.
But there was swift and angry reaction from the prime minister, Morgan Tsvangirai, whose Movement for Democratic Change joined the president's Zanu-PF party to form the unity government after the violent 2008 election.
Under the power-sharing agreement they signed then, Tsvangirai said, the president could only act in consultation with the prime minister in announcing election dates.
"President Mugabe's actions are a unilateral and flagrant breach of our constitution and the GPA [global political agreement]," Tsvangirai told journalists in the capital, Harare. "I, as PM, cannot and will not accept this."
Mugabe was also infringing the voter-registration process, disenfranchising first-time voters and denying political parties and Zimbabweans the chance to inspect the much-criticised voters roll, Tsvangirai said.
"The point being made is that president Mugabe has acted unlawfully and unconstitutionally and is deliberately creating and precipitating an unnecessary constitutional crisis. The constitution makes the president the chief upholder and defender of the constitution.
"It is therefore regrettable that the chief defender and upholder has become the chief attacker and abuser of the constitution. Surely, the defender-in-chief cannot become the attacker-in-chief!"
He also accused Mugabe of ignoring a regional mediation process led by South Africa's president, Jacob Zuma. Tsvangirai said crucial reforms to the media and security sector, both of which were seen as favouring Zanu-PF, had yet to be carried out.
"Clearly therefore, the unilateral proclamation made today is a deliberate attempt to stall the reform agenda in Zimbabwe. Without reforms, Zimbabwe is yet again heading to another contested, predatory and illegitimate election."
Referring to the last election in 2008 in which more than 200 people died, he added: "In short, another June 27."
The 61-year-old continued: "I will not accept a situation where Zimbabweans will yet again be railroaded and frog-marched to another illegitimate and violent election.
"The people of Zimbabwe are suffering. Businesses are shutting down, workers are under attack and the economy has frozen. A fraudulent and illegitimate election will deepen the crisis and will not reverse this malaise."
Tsvangirai said he had advised his lawyers to make an urgent court application to reverse the decision and he would appeal to regional mediators to intervene. He argues that Zimbabwe cannot hold elections before 25 August.
Lindiwe Zulu, Zuma's top Zimbabwe negotiator, told Reuters she was flying to Harare on Friday but declined to comment on the election announcement.
According to Mugabe's declaration, legislative and local elections will also take place on 31 July, and a presidential runoff will be held on 11 September if necessary. Opinion polls suggest a close contest between Mugabe and Tsvangirai, making a runoff likely.
Tsvangirai pulled out of the second round of the previous election, accusing the security forces and pro-Mugabe militias of attacking his supporters around the country.
Mugabe has repeatedly dismissed calls for reforms in the security services. Senior generals have vowed their allegiance to him and have refused to salute Tsvangirai since he became prime minister in 2009, arguing he did not take part in the guerilla war that ended colonial rule and gave Mugabe power in 1980.
Campaigners have criticised Mugabe for again denying access to international observers for this year's ballot.
The pressure group Free and Fair Zimbabwe Election said: "The general election will be fiercely contested. It is in the interest of all parties that the process is clean and the result is acceptable and sustainable.
"Given what happened in 2008, when violence and intimidation were among the main features of the campaign, it seems a reasonable expectation that the government would welcome the presence of neutral observers so that all parliamentarians, and their supporters, can accept the result as the fair outcome of a free election in a democracy."
Veritas, a legality research group, said Mugabe's amended election laws still had to be passed by Zimbabwe's parliament.
"Presidential powers cannot be used to do by regulation what the constitution says must be provided for by an act of parliament," the group said.
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Morgan Tsvangirai says any elections held without consent of other leaders in power-sharing government would not be 'legitimate'
Zimbabwe's prime minister has said he won't agree to hold elections in July after President Robert Mugabe said he would go ahead with the long-awaited polls.The prime minister, Morgan Tsvangirai, said on Wednesday that Mugabe cannot decide on an election date without consent from other leaders in the power-sharing government.
Tsvangirai said any elections held at Mugabe's behest would not be deemed "legitimate".
"It seems they are determined to commit suicide, it is what they want," he said at a press briefing of civic leaders.
Mugabe was forced by regional leaders to form a coalition government with former opposition leader Tsvangirai after violent and disputed elections in 2008.
The nation's highest court in May ordered Mugabe to hold polls by the end of July, arguing that the elections should be linked to the dissolution of the parliament at the end of its current five-year term on 29 June.
Mugabe has said he will abide by the ruling and hold the vote on 31 July despite objections from his partners in the coalition. Tsvangirai has said he wants polls to end the four-year-old coalition in September at the earliest.
A lawsuit was brought to the court on 24 May to force Mugabe to call early polls. The private court application claimed the country could not be run without the existence of the parliament, rendering the government illegal.
A new constitution overwhelmingly accepted in a 16 March referendum requires amendments to voters' lists as well as a 30-day registration of new voters that will end on 9 July.
Tsvangirai claimed the lawsuit was instigated by Mugabe's Zanu-PF party loyalists eager for early polls so that they can take advantage of loopholes in the electoral laws to rig the vote.
"That ruling is a political directive which has been given a legal effect, it doesn't create an environment for a legitimate election," Tsvangirai said.
Mugabe, 89, who has ruled the country since independence from colonial rule in 1980, has been accused of appointing sympathetic judges from the justice ministry and the legal profession.
Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change party is also demanding media reforms to end bias by the nation's dominant state media controlled by Mugabe loyalists and an end to political intimidation by the partisan police and military.
"We want to remove all obstacles to a free and fair election. If Zanu-PF wants to roughshod us, I will just stand up and say I will not agree with you," Tsvangirai said.
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Rare show of unity by opposition parties could raise prospect of grand coalition to take on Robert Mugabe
Zimbabwe's fragmented opposition to the president, Robert Mugabe, has joined forces to reject a court ruling that elections must be held by the end of next month.The rare show of unity by parties including the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) could raise the prospect of a grand coalition to take on Mugabe's Zanu-PF party at the polls.
Zimbabwe's constitutional court last week ordered that elections should take place by the end of July, a decision that suits Mugabe better than his rivals.
But on Wednesday five parties – the MDC, led by the prime minister, Morgan Tsvangirai, a breakaway MDC under Welshman Ncube, Mavambo/Kusile/Dawn led by the former government minister Simba Makoni, Zapu and Zanu Ndonga – "expressed reservations about the practicality" of the deadline with many crucial reforms still outstanding.
The leaders complained that there was not enough time for proper voter registration. Justice Rita Makarau, the head of the Zimbabwe electoral commission, was this week quoted by the NewsDay newspaper as saying "the voters' roll is in shambles".
The parties also want changes to laws they believe inhibit freedom of association, movement, expression and the media. They have called for the security sector to be reformed in line with the new constitution, which demands neutrality.
A report this week by Human Rights Watch warned that, as in past elections, the security forces remain loyal to Mugabe and Zanu-PF. It said its investigations found that the Zimbabwean army deployed soldiers across the country, intimidating, beating, and abusing perceived supporters of the MDC or those critical of the government.
"With the security forces right up to the top leaders threatening and attacking Mugabe's perceived opponents, Zimbabweans have little faith in the upcoming elections," said Tiseke Kasambala, Africa advocacy director at the watchdog.
The constitutional court's ruling last week came in response to a case brought by a journalist and democracy activist, Jealousy Mawarire. After meeting in Harare, the five leaders said the court's action, "ironically supposedly informed by the desire to safeguard the rights of the individual applicant, has resulted in the infringement of the rights of millions of Zimbabweans".
They said they would appeal to the Southern African Development Community, the regional body consisting of 15 southern African countries, to ensure the election roadmap is followed. A special summit is due to be held in Mozambique on Sunday.
A unified opposition might pose a serious challenge to Mugabe's 33-year rule. The rupture within the MDC has dented its image and raised fears of splitting the anti-Mugabe vote. The revived Zapu has been seen by some as a potential threat to Tsvangirai in Matebeleland and Midlands provinces.
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Pressure to extend oversight to government - as well as rebel - abuses as monitoring group meets in South Africa
The Kimberly Process was never perfect but the June 2011 decision to allow exports from Zimbabwe's Marange diamond fields rendered it ridiculous. Diamond exports from the area were suspended from June 2009 because state security agencies were found to have committed killings, beatings and have used forced labour. When the Kimberley Process agreed on a joint plan to fix the mess, the Zim government agreed. But then it ignored the set conditions and continued the abuses, diverting funds to Zanu-PF's security agencies (responsible for torture and killings during the 2008 elections), and the esteemed leaders at the Kimberley Process decided to allow exports from Marange anyway.The Zimbabwean government found the loophole. The Kimberley Process was established in 2003 to stop people being murdered so that doting boyfriends can get on one knee and offer their blushing brides-to-be the ring they always wanted. Rebels in countries such as Liberia, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and Sierra Leone sold "blood diamonds" to fund their wars. In those three countries alone, an estimated 3.7 million people died in conflicts fuelled by the clear and colourless crystalline form of pure carbon, Amnesty International reported in 2007.
The Kimberley Process was established to halt human rights abuses resulting from rebel groups using the profits of diamonds to fund their wars or coup d'états. Its 54 members come from 90 countries and account for almost 100% of the global trade in rough diamonds. The scheme was set up to ensure the international supply of diamonds didn't come from warlords. It has helped stem millions of dollars to would-be rebels, but the Kimberley Process faces new challenges.
Last November, Partnership for Africa accused Robert Mugabe's elite of stealing at least $2bn worth of diamonds from the Marange fields. "The dispute highlighted the failure of the consensus-based decision-making process to address government noncompliance," said Human Rights Watch on the decision to allow the export of diamonds form Marange. "The members have not been able to reach consensus to revise the Kimberley Process rules to explicitly prohibit the sale of diamonds by governments that committed abuses to obtain them. Under the rules, a conflict diamond is narrowly defined as one sold by a rebel group to wage war against a government. That definition has left a major loophole since it does not prevent a government like Zimbabwe's from committing abuses when it mines or sells diamonds."
Central African Republic is another case. The country has been temporarily suspended from exporting since the Seleka rebels seized control in a coup d'état. And yet, according to an International Crisis Group briefing in 2010, when former president Francois Bozize came to power in 2003, he strangled control over the diamond industry to enrich and empower his own ethnic group while failing to use the minerals to alleviate poverty, sparking a war of rebel groups fighting so their people could have their turn to eat. The corruption from a state government ultimately perpetuated the very things the Kimberley Process was purportedly against, yet under Bozize it was okay to export. The diamond-related human rights violations in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Ivory Coast and Venezuela are well known.
It's under this backdrop that members of the Kimberley Process meet this week, with South Africa's mineral resources minister, Susan Shabangu, giving the keynote address on Tuesday. Her speech was largely a tribute to the "heroes and heroines who stood fast and firm" to set up the "gallant organisation". "We are particularly elated that we are all here to celebrate the achievement that more than 99% of diamonds traded globally are conflict-free and this has restored consumers' confidence in this commodity," said Shabangu in Kimberley.
Like Shabangu, Eli Izhakoff, the president of the World Diamond Council, called for diamonds to be used for development and not for evil. "Our industry has travelled a long distance between 2000 and 2013, and the journey has caused us to experience massive change, both in the way we operate and in the ways we regard ourselves and our mission… Our mission is to ensure that diamond resources are able to fulfill their potential as generators of positive economic and social and development, by ensuring that they are not associated with systematic acts of violence and oppression."
The Kimberley Process is under considerable pressure, however, to change with the times. Civil society organisations met in Johannesburg on Saturday and acknowledged the role the group has played in ending blood diamonds from the most brutal conflict zones but urged it to expand its reach. "Now that most diamond-linked conflicts have ended, the Kimberley Process will only remain relevant if it is given the mandate to monitor the entire diamond industry chain – from mining the rough stones to polishing the final jewels – and to look at diamonds that are fostering human rights abuses as well as armed conflict," said Dr Claude Kabemba, director of Southern Africa Resource Watch.
Global Witness, an NGO that pulled out of the Kimberley Process after the decision on Zimbabwe, said "there are still significant weaknesses in the scheme that undermine its effectiveness and allow the trade in blood diamonds to continue." It wants the scheme to clarify and strengthen its commitment to human rights, more administrative beef to provide effective oversight, and for the consensus decision-making model to be scrapped.
The World Diamond Council has announced corporate members will help boost the process's administrative capabilities while Shabangu acknowledged some of the challenges ahead but commended the "common understanding on the merging of certain structures within the Kimberley Process geared to enhance the effectiveness of our organisation."
These efforts will help, but they'll count for squat if tyrants are allowed to reinforce oppressive regimes through selling the precious stones simply because they run the state. Sadly, there looks to be little of the political will needed. Shabangu was far keener to emphasise the importance of each member government keeping its sovereignty rather than each government refraining from using diamonds to abusive ends.
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Step-by-step election guide on how the opposition can end Zanu-PF's stranglehold on power in Zimbabwe
Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe has announced that he will hold elections before the end of July – ostensibly respecting by a recent court ruling but in effect over-riding calls for political reforms before the vote takes place. In the coalition government, Mugabe's Zanu-PF has stalled reforms over the last four years by diverting attention towards the removal of western sanctions. It is now inconceivable that the changes necessary for a free and fair vote will be instituted in the next few weeks, and Morgan Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change (MDC-T) will have to find another way to defeat Zanu-PF.
Here's some suggestions:
1. Embrace populism
Buoyed by the 'Africa rising' narrative, nationalism is on the rise across the continent, and Zimbabwe is no exception. In recent elections in Zambia and Kenya, the victors – Michael Sata and Uhuru Kenyatta – ran sustained anti–western campaigns that drew the support of the young and educated.If the opposition wants to succeed, they might as well embrace nationalism and adopt a position where they argue that they are the best guarantor of the independence legacy that has been betrayed by Zanu-PF. In other words, this time around Tsvangirai might need to wage a more populist, more aggressive campaign that might even be reminiscent of Mugabe's tone (though moderated).
Tsvangirai should also attempt to convince some of Mugabe's softer supporters that he can secure the gains of the current regime, such as land reform. This will put Zanu-PF in a defensive mode, and deprive them of ammunition to attack Tsvangirai as a neo–imperialist agent. The trouble with adopting such a strategy is that it needs time, and there is precious little of that if elections are indeed to be held by the 31 July.
2. Undermine Zanu-PF
Another pillar of the opposition efforts should be undermining Zanu-PF party unity. Currently, the aging president skilfully manages a brittle internal balance of power between various factions. But maintaining such a balance is extremely difficult and a great deal of it is done via patronage politics. Undermining elite cohesion by bringing key individuals into the fold of the opposition is likely to achieve two objectives. This tactic not only brings with it patronage networks, but also the former stalwart's votes, and experience. Second, and at a psychological level, drawing party stalwarts counters the narrative that Zanu-PF's unity is invincible.3. Form a coalition of the opposition
One realistic campaign strategy remains: a coalition of opposition forces. The main opposition party (MDC-T) continues to be adamant that it will win on its own. Tsvangirai's party seems oblivious to a mountain of complex of problems it faces; a dwindling support base, unequal level playing field, circumscribed regional and international support, a surge in Zanu-PF popularity and also a crowded opposition space with reportedly 28 eight candidates vying for the presidency. MDC-T needs to be realistic and understand that joining a coalition is crucial.It is crucial that the MDC-T doesn't try to go it along. The opposition has failed in the previous elections despite odds being slightly better than today. In fact, no single political party has successfully challenged Zanu-PF's stranglehold on Zimbabwean politics since independence.
A coalition would not only change the fundamentals of Zimbabwean opposition, but also the very terms in which the Zimbabweans think about and define national politics. So the best way of topping Mugabe is for the opposition to combine its efforts, resources and votes.
4. Choose your partners carefully
The MDC-T, despite its faults in coalition government, remains the anchor of the opposition and should therefore take a lead in any negotiations. Building a strong coalition should be limited to the MDC-N (led by Welshman Ncube) to back Tsvangirai as the presidential candidate. Ncube is a polarising figure and is perceived as being vocal on behalf of the voters from Matabeleland and the Midlands regions. But it is precisely because of this quality that he is in a unique position to mobilise votes from these two regions.Drawing Simba Makoni (Mavambo/Kusile/Dawn) and Dumiso Dabengwa (Zapu-PF) into an alliance might be problematic. Politically both men were creations of Zanu-PF and still benefit materially from ancient Zanu-PF patronage networks. It is not unreasonable that some see Dabengwa and Makoni's political parties as proxies created by Zanu-PF to disrupt the strength of the opposition.
The differences between the MDC-T and MDC-N leaders are fundamental. Ncube accuses Tsvangirai of being weak on democratic and leadership credentials, while the Tsvangirai accuses Ncube of being provincial. Each sees himself as best suited to be president.
5. Be generous
To create an environment for constructive dialogue, relations between Tsvangirai and Ncube need to be reset. Tsvangirai must desist from making statements that risk pushing Ncube's party further away. It is important to remember that Ncube is one of the architects and ideologues of the original MDC. Instead of ridiculing him, Tsvangirai should acknowledge his contribution and treat him as a friend who must be embraced. He also needs to acknowledge Ncube's growing influence and support in the Matabeleland and Midland regions.In extending an olive branch, MDC-T must attempt to address some of Ncube's legitimate grievances. Ncube remains convinced that Tsvangirai and his inner circle worked to block his ascent to the top of the party. Ncube also alleges that MDC-T has deliberately undermined his party by labelling it as "tribal" or provincial.
Whilst the above are manageable problems, more difficult is the discussion of who is going to be offered what as part of the strategic partnership. The main MDC must be seen to be generous in what it offers. Ncube's party will seek assurances on key positions in return for backing the coalition, as they cannot be expected to relinquish their independence without getting tangible offers in return. Equally, the MDC-N leader will need to display humility and self discipline.
Despite their differences, a coalition of the opposition is a possible and viable strategy. The two parties have a convergent interest of getting rid of Mugabe. We also have to remind ourselves that in the 2008 presidential elections Ncube urged his supporters to vote for Simba Makoni. Such an unprecedented overture shows his pragmatic side and that he is open to negotiations.
6. Don't falter. Not forming a coalition is not an option
Failure to form a united opposition is a prescription for defeat. The MDC-T is trailing Zanu-PF in polls, and no one who is seriously concerned with political and electoral strategies can afford to ignore these, no matter how flawed or old they are. Not only do the polls show that Zanu-PF support has surged, but most importantly the party may use these numbers to justify a rigged electoral "win". Poor shows at rallies, an unequal level playing field and circumscribed regional and international support also counts against the MDC-T.Politics needs ideals and policies, but most crucially a sense of direction. Zanu-PF is corrupt, ruthless and violent, but nobody can accuse Mugabe's party of being directionless. They alone seem to know how to get what they want in the next elections and they may well be rewarded for that. Their adversaries should be wise enough to draw together and substitute competition for political union. A coalition coupled with an effective campaign strategy offers the best chance.
Simukai Tinhu is a political analyst based in London
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Zimbabwean president promises to abide by court ruling calling for elections, despite objections from opposition
The Zimbabwean president, Robert Mugabe, has said he will abide by a court ruling that crucial elections must be held before the end of July, despite objections from his rivals.Mugabe told the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corp travelling with him on a trip to Japan that he would convene polls "not later than 31 July", state radio reported.
Mugabe, interviewed by the broadcaster on Sunday, claimed some members in a coalition with Morgan Tsvangirai, the prime minister and former opposition leader, wanted to delay the elections "to enjoy being in power" for longer, the radio said.
The constitutional court, the nation's highest court, on Friday chided Mugabe for not calling elections linked to the dissolution of the parliament at the end of its current five-year term on 29 June.
Tsvangirai said electoral and democratic reforms demanded under the coalition agreement and a new constitution could not be completed by 31 July.
Mugabe travelled to Japan to attend an African development summit in Yokahama. He described the coalition formed by regional leaders after the last violent and disputed elections in 2008 as having "outlived its usefulness", the radio said.
The president said he was consulting the justice minister, Patrick Chinamasa, on changes to the electoral laws that should be finished in June so he could announce the actual polling date for the following month.
Tsvangirai's party said on Sunday that unless reforms to voters' lists and the registration of new voters were in place before voting there would be doubt over whether conditions allowed for a free and fair election.
Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change said it also demanded media reforms to end bias by the country's dominant state media controlled by Mugabe loyalists and an end to political intimidation and partisan actions by the police and military.
Those demands are written into a new constitution that was overwhelmingly accepted in a referendum in March, the party said.
"For the avoidance of any doubt, the MDC is ready for free and fair elections. The issue is not about the date but about the conditions under which these elections can be held," said the party spokesman Douglas Mwonzora.
Pro-democracy activists allege Mugabe's own fractious Zanu-PF party wants early polls to take advantage of flaws in existing election procedures, shorten rigorous campaigning by its increasingly frail leader and hinder the deployment of regional election monitors.
Mugabe, 89, who led the nation to independence in 1980, has been accused of packing the courts with sympathetic judges whom he appoints from the justice ministry and the legal profession.
Seven out of nine constitutional court judges ruled on Friday that Mugabe had violated his constitutional responsibilities by failing to declare polls by 29 June.
But Judge Luke Malaba, in his dissenting opinion available on an official website on Sunday, said his colleagues' ruling "defied logic" in finding Mugabe was in breach of his constitutional responsibilities "and at the same time authorising him to continue acting unlawfully" by proclaiming a July date.
"That is a very dangerous principle and has no basis in law. The principle of the rule of law just does not permit such an approach," wrote Malaba.
He said the new constitution made it clear that elections could be held within four months of the automatic dissolution of the parliament on 29 June and to hold them in July compromised constitutional rights for the electorate as a whole "to play a meaningful role in the electoral process", Malaba said.
A private lawsuit brought before the constitutional court to force Mugabe to call early polls turned clear and unambiguous language in the law into "a question of interpretation that plunged the court into irreconcilable differences".
"I, however, refuse to have wool cast over the inner eye of my mind on this matter," concluded Malaba.
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Constitutional court rules that Zimbabwean president violated applicant's voter rights by not setting a poll date so far
A Zimbabwean court has ordered Robert Mugabe to hold elections before the end of July, adding to a political dispute over the timing and funding of the vote in the country."The elections should take place no later than 31 July 2013," the chief justice of the constitutional court, Godfrey Chidyausiku said, on Friday.
The ruling follows an application to the court by a Zimbabwean citizen demanding that the country's president set an election date before the end of the current parliament, which is next month.
Mugabe, 89, will face long-time rival Morgan Tsvangirai in the vote.
Tsvangirai, who is prime minister, has been arguing that fresh elections should be delayed given the disputed polls in 2008, which led to the formation of a power-sharing government.
He says this will allow for the opening up of broadcast media, registration of new voters and reform of the military to ensure it stays out of politics.
A Zimbabwean rights activist, Jealousy Mawarire, filed a case with the constitutional court challenging Mugabe to set dates for presidential and parliamentary elections by 29 June, arguing that the executive risked violating the constitution.
Chidyausiku, whose ruling was supported by six other judges, said it was now legally impossible to hold elections by 29 June, but that Mugabe had violated Mawarire's rights as a voter by not proclaiming an election date so far.
There was no immediate response from the president, but lawyers say he could seek an extension on the 31 July deadline date through the courts.
The finance minister, Tendai Biti, a senior member of Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), has said Zimbabwe was struggling to find $132m needed to be able to hold the elections. Regional leaders have called a special summit to help Harare raise the money.
Mugabe has been in power since leading the former Rhodesia to independence from Britain in 1980, and denies charges that he has used violence and rigged the last four major elections to retain office.
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Soft-focus documentary catches Robert Mugabe over lunch with his wife and children, talking of love, family, politics and Tony Blair
Flowers, silver cutlery, and a box of tissues adorn the spotless white tablecloth. The family says grace and "bon appetit!" before tucking into their vegetables. Sitting at the head of the table, dad worries aloud about his son's schoolwork and his daughter's boyfriends, while mum chortles about confiscating the PlayStation.This is lunch with the Mugabes, a surreal glimpse of Zimbabwe's first family as no one has ever quite seen them before. Before the TV cameras Robert, wife Grace and two of their children declare their love for each other, discuss philosophy and religion, and laugh about the time Grace punched a British photographer. The result is compelling and at times jaw-dropping. Some might describe it as car crash television.
The gates of Harare's secretive State House were thrown open to interviewer Dali Tambo, flamboyant son of South African liberation hero Oliver Tambo. He gives Mugabe a sympathetic hearing and admits he is "totally" braced for the charge that he is sanitising and glorifying a dictator just months before Zimbabwe holds crucial elections.
Indeed, those who blame Mugabe's 33-year rule for their suffering may find it hard to stomach the climax of the two-part documentary which finds the president, dapper as ever in suit and grey tie with folded handkerchief in breast pocket, lunching with his wife and children in a stately room that once hosted the Queen. In a routine familiar to fans of his long-running People of the South series, Tambo asks his subjects to look each other in the eye and emote.
Wearing dreadlocks and a blue patterned dress, Grace Mugabe, more than four decades younger than her husband, takes his hand and declares: "You're very loving, you're kind, you're generous, you kind of like brought me up and you know that I appreciate everything that I've been able to do."
Dubbed "DisGrace" by headline writers for an allegedly profligate lifestyle, she continues: "I've tried to use [my position] to benefit the less privileged of this country, and whatever I do, I do it complement the work you're doing. I'm really happy to be your wife and I feel blessed to be part of your family."
In a somewhat cringeworthy moment, a stilted Mugabe, who married Grace in 1996, responds: "When I said I wanted to marry her, I meant it. I said to her from that moment on if I had any girlfriends, I would leave them and that's what I have done to recognise you and you alone as my partner. Whether you believed it or not, that's what it has been.
"And I valued her, I valued the transformation that you brought to my life and the kids that you gave me and the happiness that they brought and the happiness you brought, and I remain very grateful for that. And that is why sometimes perhaps when you tend to be angry with me or perhaps I've not acted as quickly as you thought I should on certain matters, I have not reacted, I just kept quiet and allowed that to win."
Mugabe has not finished pouring out his heart for the cameras yet. The 89-year-old goes on: "This is how we have lived. I do hope we continue that way and that our children also benefit from our oneness and that you also benefit from the little that you can learn from me, that interaction, and also even our relatives can learn from us how marital life should be, and especially the younger ones, so please continue to love the children but of course, above all, to love this boyfriend called Robert Mugabe."
There is laughter around the table and Grace rises to give the president a chaste kiss. Earlier in the programme, of which the Guardian has seen a near-complete edit prior to broadcast, the couple share similar exchanges with their children. Son Bellarmine, who bears a striking resemblance to Mugabe and wears a suit and tie to match, says his father always makes time for him. "I also love the fact that if I sleep and I'm outside the blankets, he'll come and tuck me in."
Mugabe warmly describes daughter Bona, a postgraduate student wearing a pink-tinted leopard patterned dress, as "very obedient" and "absolutely trustworthy" but chides Bellarmine, whose studies at a private school came to an abrupt end earlier this year. "He has not made me happy in the way he takes to his studies. He should be more serious than he is at the moment."
Tambo touches a raw nerve by asking Mugabe what qualities he would look for in a future husband for his daughter. Brow furrowed and voice gruff, Africa's oldest leader would be enough to strike fear into any potential suitor. "Regarding such approaches,, one from a wolf who has come to seize one of my lambs – that's the feeling.
"But it must be a person of her own choice. My hope would be first, qualities of a good husband will live with her, because he loves her through thick and thin and not just look at her now as she still is that flower, attractive, blooming. She will have kids and quite a lot of what is now the real charm will disappear and the face will start having wrinkles. So he should not pit her at that time against up and coming younger ones, which is what most people do and as a result we gets lots of divorces."
During the lunch, Mugabe takes out the rosary beads that he always carries – "I went to war with it" – discusses God and claims he is still a Marxist, though not in "absolute terms".
Grace, meanwhile, makes merry as she recalls thumping a British photographer outside a five-star hotel in Hong Kong four years ago. "They saw us and started running towards us. I said, 'No, enough is enough, why are you treating us like this? What wrong have I done?' ... So I ran after him and I caught him. I started beating him. He was pleading with me to get the camera, please, I didn't answer so I kept on punching him." There is mirth at the table.
Tambo's late father was close to Mugabe but it took him three years to land the interview, which will be shown in South Africa on the SABC3 channel at 8.30pm on Sunday 2 June. His style might strike critics as fawning and sycophantic. But it does win unprecedented access and enable him to question Mugabe on everything from the 1980s massacres in Matabeleland province to starting an affair with Grace while his first wife, Sally, was terminally ill.
Asked what attracted him to Grace, who was a typist in his office, Mugabe blinks often as if holding back tears and offers a most unorthodox reply: "It was not just the fact that one was attracted. After Sally was gone it was necessary for me to look for someone and, even as Sally was still going through her last few days, although it might have appeared to some as cruel, I said to myself well, it's not just myself needing children, my mother has all the time said, ah, am I going to die without seeing grandchildren?
"So I decided to make love to her. She happened to be one of the nearest and she was a divorcee herself, and so it was. We got our first child when my mother was still alive."
Tambo asks if Sally, who died from kidney failure in 1992, accepted the new relationship. "I did tell her and she just kept quiet and said fine but she did ask, 'Do you still love me?' I said yes. And she said, 'Oh, fine'."
Sitting on wooden chairs in the gardens of the colonial era State House, the pair run through Mugabe's life story, from cattle-herding as a boy with a whip in one hand and book in the other to dancing the quickstep and waltz with student nurses. As a freedom fighter against white minority rule, he was jailed for 11 years. "When you're in prison, you say 'OK, when we get out, these bastards, we are going to deal with them'," he recalls.
Initially, when he came to power at independence in 1980, Mugabe preached reconciliation but his reputation rapidly crumbled with the violent seizures of white-owned farms from 2000. For this he blames then British prime minister Tony Blair for reneging on promises of funding land redistribution made under the 1979 Lancaster House agreement.
"Mrs Thatcher, you could trust her," Mugabe continues. "But of course what happened later was a different story with the Labour party and Blair and company, who you could never trust. You couldn't compare them to Thatcher and the others … Oh, who can ever believe what Mr Blair says? Here we call him Bliar."
Asked about the condemnation he still faces for the way land reform was handled, Mugabe responds with a South African comparison: "They will praise you only if you are doing things that please them. Mandela has gone a bit too far in doing good to the non-black communities, really in some cases at the expense of them … That's being too saintly, too good, too much of a saint."
During the interview, which lasted two-and-a-half hours, the Zanu-PF leader claims that upcoming elections will be peaceful but does not sound like a man ready or willing to let go. Banging his fist on an armrest, he unleashes the old fiery rhetoric: "There is a fight to fight. The British are calling for regime change, that I must go. That call must not come from the British.
"The sanctions are still on us and what man is there who, when his own house is being attacked, will run away and leave the family and the children still under attack? It's a coward … My people still need me and when people still need you to lead them it's not time, sir, it doesn't matter how old you are, to say goodbye. They will say you are deserting us and I am not a deserter, never have been, never have thought of deserting people. We fight to the finish: that's it. I still have it in me here."
People of the South makes no mention of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change and will do no harm to Mugabe's attempts to rebrand himself, which have already led to signs of a softening in western opinion. Tambo, who grew up in exile in north London, said his show is "not Hardtalk" and he makes no apologies for humanising a man he believes has long been demonised.
Describing Mugabe as "warm, charismastic and very humorous", he said: "I feel, honestly, a pride in that man and I think that he has been misunderstood and ill-judged by a lot of the press. He's made mistakes but in general he's going to go down in history with a very positive perspective from Africans."
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Analysis After a torturous transition, there are (tentative) signs of a new consensus both inside and outside Zimbabwe
Recently, the Friends of Zimbabwe group of western donors met in London, together with representatives of all of country's main political parties. The Friends group – formerly known as the Fishmongers after an expensive restaurant in Harare – discusses international donor policy, including sanctions. While all the western donors are represented, its positions are firmly influenced by the EU and the US, and perhaps especially by the UK. London was therefore a fitting destination for the latest meeting.The final communiqué was the usual non-committal diplomatic statement, indicating continuing commitment to Zimbabwe and recording the actually substantial aid flows that are being offered. But the departure for this meeting was the presence of senior Zanu-PF officials whose travel bans had been removed following the successful Constitutional referendum.
The justice minister, Patrick Chinamasa, was among the delegation, and he got a roasting on BBC's Hard Talkwhen he tried to defend the government position on a variety of policies. However, there were also other more civil exchanges, including one at Chatham House when senior officials from all parties, commented on the current situation with a clear tone of compromise and conciliation.
The political context in Zimbabwe remains highly uncertain, but there are unexpected shifts – partly as a result of the relative success of the "unity" government, and partly as a result of failures in the opposition, both to offer a convincing alternative and to develop a clear set of alliances.
Simukai Tinhu offered a useful overview in a recent African Arguments piece. Phillan Zamchiya in a very detailed Crisis in Zimbabwe report, reckons Zanu-PF is gearing up to win the election by stealth, stealing votes and fixing the results through a number of tactics. These are well-worn tricks of course, but there may be wider political shifts underway too. Simply blaming a poor result for the MDC on foul play may not be enough. Many see another coalition as an inevitable result, with the big questions being who will occupy the presidency and what the balance of power will be in parliament.
The finance minister, Tendai Biti, was also in London recently on his way back from negotiations with the IMF in Washington, and again spoke at Chatham House. Analysis by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum was revealing:
"Judging by the minister's tone and the way he addressed some of the key issues, it is our opinion that the gap between Zanu-PF and the MDC(T) on key issues appears to be narrowing. Similarly, the minister was quite diplomatic in trying to demystify the idea that the MDC and pro-democracy civil society organisations are synonymous and are working together towards the so-called regime change agenda. He obviously did not want to alienate pro-democracy civil society organisations which traditionally helped the MDC in its formative years.The consensus may be surprising to some who have been viewing Zimbabwe's tortured process of transition from afar. There may be much more consensus on thorny issues of land reform, national ownership of key businesses and the role of civil society than is commonly understood.
However, by expanding the definition of civil society organisations beyond the usual narrow definition and stating that there is an operational civil society in Zimbabwe, the minister sought, in our view, to keep a healthy distance between the MDC as a political party and other pro-democracy groups. This, it appears, was his counterpoint against the Zanu-PF argument that all pro-democracy forces are bent on a western-sponsored regime change agenda.
The view that points to a political convergence is supported by the plea the minister had made to the USA and the IMF that Zimbabwe ought to be treated equally according to the same measure that has been used on countries with troubled pasts such as Burma. By saying this, he echoed his strong views for the lifting of sanctions by the European Union in July 2013.
On the issue of indigenisation, the minister again struck a note which doesn´t quite resonate with some of the sentiments from the Western countries.
It would appear that behind closed doors, both the MDC and moderate Zanu-PF ministers agree on key issues that they disagree on in public.
That's how politics work. The current widely held view that Robert Mugabe hasn't softened on his legacy ignores anecdotal evidence that indicates that lately he has been softening his clenched fist, so to speak. An example is his calls for peace, which have widely been dismissed as rhetoric which doesn't match what is happening on the ground. However anecdotal evidence from various sources, including Zimbabwean equivalent of Wikileaks, appear to suggest that the president´s attempts to soften are negated by some within his party who fear what might happen if Zanu-PF softens on its legacy inspired by its liberation war credentials.
Although the minister spoke about the current issues of concern, he was very measured in his approach. He exhibited every sign of a principled man, who, despite having undergone the vagaries of his difficult job and an incarceration in 2008, has matured, forgiven his persecutors and might even have undergone a paradigm shift. This shift, which is also reflected in the entire MDC, has seen it move from its widely perceived eurocentric roots to the moderate pan-African approach. It also appears that there are some within Zanu-PF who have softened on their legacy by moving to the centreground although there are still some still on the far right. Those on the far right are in our view, the ones the minister referred to when he said there are Ministers within the government who make irrational political statements that affect the economy".
In light of other pieces of evidence we have gathered, particularly the likelihood that the US is to announce policy shift on Zimbabwe, there is every indication of a national and political consensus on key issues, which might see an unexpected political landscape after the elections."
Clearly the consensus is not universal and the more progressive elements across all the parties may be out-manoeuvred by those with other agendas, whether the military elite, fearing post-election reprisals, or white capital, seeking a reassertion of power. As Biti, a clear presidential contender in the (maybe not so far off) future, tentatively repositions the MDC, it may not just be the traditional western "friends" of Zimbabwe, but others including China, Brazil and South Africa, who become the important brokers into the future.
This post originally appeared on Zimbabweland
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Reappraisal of Zimbabwean president coincides with plausible plotline of win in 'credible' elections leading to lifting of sanctions
He has been a schoolteacher, freedom fighter and political prisoner. He has gone from admired independence leader to despised autocrat. Now a life that spans nine decades could be about to add its least expected final chapter: the rehabilitation of Robert Mugabe.The following scenario, once unthinkable, is now just conceivable. The Zimbabwean president will retain power in this year's elections through fair means or foul; the poll will be relatively peaceful and deemed "credible" by the west; then sanctions will be lifted against Mugabe and his inner circle, ushering him back in from the cold.
This coincides with a subtle shift in the mood music around Africa's oldest leader. Domestic political foes have praised him. He recently enjoyed cordial meetings with Andrew Young, special envoy of the US state department, and civil rights stalwart the Rev Jesse Jackson. A documentary film, Mugabe: Villain or Hero?, has won sympathetic audiences in London. Most contentiously of all, researchers have begun to challenge the orthodoxy that Zimbabwe's land reform programme was an unmitigated disaster.
Even non-supporters believe this reassessment is a necessary corrective after years of demonisation. "He was overtoxified in the first place," said Petina Gappah, a Harare-based writer, lawyer and fellow of the Open Society foundation. "This idea of Mugabe as Hitler? He's extremely charming and intelligent.
"This idea of a mindless thug underestimates his intelligence. This cartoonish, caricatured Idi Amin figure fails to recognise his insidious effect on the country. If he didn't exist, they would have had to invent him."
Two currents are moving in 89-year-old Mugabe's favour for elections likely to take place in August or September. His Zanu-PF party has allegedly helped itself to profits from the country's diamond fields and revitalised its support base with populist policies such as the indigenisation of foreign-owned companies.
No less importantly, the rival Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) is seen by many as having lost momentum and the moral high ground after entering a power-sharing agreement with Zanu-PF after the last disputed election in 2008.
The MDC insists that it has made real achievements in government and retains groundswell support, but it is losing a crucial battle of perceptions. Recent opinion polls by Afrobarometer and Freedom House found the party trailing behind Zanu-PF – a more attention-grabbing headline than questions about the data's reliability.
The MDC stands accused of the sins of incumbency, its leadership seduced by ministerial houses and luxury cars; the party has been forced to discipline some councillors for corruption. It has failed to heal a factional rift that could divide its support. Leader Morgan Tsvangirai, who serves as prime minister in the unity government, has been criticised for becoming too close to Mugabe and for an unseemly run of sex scandals.
"I think he's been a total disaster," said one senior MDC figure, who did not wish to be named. "He's let us all down. But the important thing to remember is the MDC is bigger than Morgan Tsvangirai."
Among the disenchanted who feel taken for granted is the country's second biggest teaching union, cause for alarm because the MDC grew out of the union movement and relies on it for support. Raymond Majongwe, secretary general of the 14,000-strong Progressive Teachers' Union, said: "I'm feeling seriously let down by the MDC. The MDC has done nothing for teachers.
"The power-sharing agreement could be the undoing of the MDC leadership. They exposed their own naivety and appetite for opulence and extravagance. In four years the level of wealth these MDC guys have accumulated is shocking. If the MDC wins the election, fine, they can go ahead and loot the country like their predecessors."
But Zanu-PF is unlikely to take any chances. It still dominates the broadcast media and its persecution of activists, journalists, lawyers and opposition figures continues. Serious questions remain over the legitimacy of the electoral roll and the potential for cheating, particularly after apparent anomalies in the recent constitutional referendum. Civil society watchdogs predict that the party will resort to its old tricks of intimidating voters, but this time using a form of "smart terror" whereby the mere threat of violence is enough. "Shaking the matchbox," is how one opponent describes it.
A schoolteacher from Buhera district, who says he was abducted from his home and beaten after voting for the MDC in 2008, said: "There is a register of Zanu-PF supporters and it is used to intimidate people. It is silent violence. People are being told what to do. Rehearsals are being held day and night over how this election is going to be rigged."
But after the bloodshed of 2008, in which the MDC says 253 people died and thousands were tortured, a low body count is likely to be hailed as progress by an outside world that may then turn a blind eye to other irregularities.
Gappah said: "There will be no violence this year; they don't need it. But I don't think it's possible to talk about the possibility of a free and fair election. A 'credible' election is the buzzword the diplomats use. The UK and US will accept a 'credible' one. It's very likely Mugabe will come away smelling of roses."
She compared the situation to Kenya, which this year "held a flawed election to fix another flawed election". The outcome was victory for Uhuru Kenyatta, who faces charges at the international criminal court of crimes against humanity. But the west was quick to laud Kenya for a peaceful process and seems determined not to allow the new president's past to get in the way of economic interests.
Britain's high commissioner to Kenya visited Harare recently and it seems likely that parallels of realpolitik are being drawn. Zanu-PF was represented at a recent Friends of Zimbabwe meeting in London, while Mugabe has welcomed the re-engagement efforts initiated by the UK and the EU.
All this comes as one of the central pillars of the western critique of Mugabe's 33-year rule is under attack.
In 2010, Prof Ian Scoones of Sussex University published a study that claimed the seizure of white-owned farms, which smashed food production a decade ago, had also bequeathed a positive spinoff in the form of thousands of small-scale black farmers.
It has been followed this year by a book, Zimbabwe Takes Back its Land, which concludes: "In the biggest land reform in Africa, 6,000 white farmers have been replaced by 245,000 Zimbabwean farmers. These are primarily ordinary poor people who have become more productive farmers." Agricultural production is now returning to its 1990s level, they argue.
The reappraisal is hotly disputed. The MDC says that Zanu-PF cronies and supporters are the main beneficiaries, and the new farmers are still easily outnumbered by agricultural workers who lost their jobs – but the mere fact that land reform's consequences have moved from conventional wisdom to a debate worthy of airtime is another step towards making Mugabe's legacy less unpalatable.
Saviour Kasukuwere is the youth development, indigenisation and empowerment minister and a rising star in Zanu-PF. He said: "We knew one day the chickens would come home to roost and now they have. The whole world realises that President Mugabe was right and the policy that Zanu-PF embarked on was right."
Bristling with confidence, Kasukuwere claims the west now regrets supporting the MDC, which he dubs the "Movement for Dangerous Children". He continued: "They made a mistake in the first place, they backed a terrible horse. I think the first reaction was anger. The things that you do when you're angry, you always live to regret them.
"They had this view, 'Why is Mugabe taking the land? So let's look for something.' I think they should have sat down and had their faculties working and we should not be where we are. The best brains in this country did not join the MDC. That's why President Mugabe will confidently walk home with the trophy."
It is an arresting narrative that Zanu-PF is naturally eager to promote, but whether Mugabe can complete the unlikely circle from liberation hero to authoritarian villain to redeemed father of the nation remains far from certain. A civil society group, the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, notes that polling suggests a tight race that will go to a second round, in which Tsvangirai stands a better chance of building alliances.
McDonald Lewanika, director of the coalition, said: "When it comes to the crunch, the choice that faces people is clearly between two evils, but one much less than the other. It's unfortunate the choice will be that bad."
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Debate rages over whether redistribution of farmland under Zimbabwe president has some positive spinoffs
Farm buildings ablaze, war veterans on the rampage and white farmers emerging bloodied and bruised are among the defining images of the case against the Zimbabwean president, Robert Mugabe.In 2000, self-styled war veterans launched a fast-track land redistribution programme, billed as an attempt to correct the colonialist legacy that left vast tracts of land in the hands of a complacent white minority. Many saw it as a crude attempt to sideline the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, which commanded support among white farmers and black farm workers.
Both groups were killed, beaten or chased away and the properties taken over by Zanu-PF cronies or citizens who often lacked the skills or capital to farm. Food production nosedived and one of Africa's strongest economies shrank to half the size it had been in 1980.
But a 2010 study by Prof Ian Scoones of Sussex University contended that, while no excuse could be made for the methods used, the painful process had bequeathed a positive spinoff in the form of thousands of small-scale black farmers. It has been followed this year by a book, Zimbabwe Takes Back its Land, which concludes: "In the biggest land reform in Africa, 6,000 white farmers have been replaced by 245,000 Zimbabwean farmers. These are primarily ordinary poor people who have become more productive farmers." Agricultural production is returning to its 1990s level, they argue.
The reappraisal is hotly disputed. Critics say that Mugabe loyalists remain the main beneficiaries, new farmers are still easily outnumbered by the farm workers who lost their jobs and the country still depends on aid and South African imports. But the mere fact that land reform's consequences have moved from conventional wisdom to a debate worthy of airtime is another step towards making Mugabe's legacy less unpalatable.
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Musicians mingle with poets and authors in Zimbabwe's capital for event dubbed the 'Glastonbury of southern Africa'
Nigerian guitarist Kunle Ayo jumped down from the stage and gyrated within touching distance of the audience, igniting a chain reaction of gushing smiles. An American spectator leapt to her feet and danced like a human rubber band, eliciting whoops and cheers. The tent was boisterous, joyful and effortlessly multiracial.An hour later, a short walk away, thousands of people would gather on blankets and deck chairs for a night of Mozart, Verdi and Wagner under the starry African sky. An aftershow party in a pristine white marquee featured candelabra, chandeliers, "platinum club" badges and a stack of Ferrero Rocher chocolates.
These were two among scores of shows staged last week in the heart of Harare, the capital of Zimbabwe, a country that the world has more frequently come to associate with social and cultural collapse.
The annual Harare International Festival of the Arts (HIFA) was born in the comparative golden era of 1999 and weathered the nation's stormy decade of farm invasions, hyperinflation and political bloodshed to gain repute as "the Glastonbury of southern Africa". This year's version took place in a steadier climate but amid awareness that more potentially explosive elections are just around the corner.
"HIFA shows a Zimbabwe that works," said Petina Gappah, an author who could be heard reading from her work alongside Indonesian poets in a tent that doubled as poetry cafe and fashion catwalk. "In the Harare Gardens [the main venue], you see a Zimbabwe that's functional, except the toilets."
Every day queues could be seen at the box office where a white board listed sold-out shows ranging from Chinese acrobats to the stories of Charles Dickens. The generally scruffy Harare Gardens were spruced up with fairy lights, sponsors' logos, food stalls, an arts and crafts market, a children's zone and performance venues. The mood was buzzy, cosmopolitan and genuinely festive.
Wendy Prosser, 39, the woman who danced with such elasticity to Kunle Ayo, had travelled from the Seattle to be here for the eighth time. "HIFA is the coolest thing you will see in Africa," she insisted. "In 2008 the entire country was collapsing and HIFA was still going on. It is hands down the best thing ever."
This year's festival was the biggest to date, featuring about 130 local and 70 international performances (the latter drawn from about 30 countries) at a dozen venues over six days. Headline acts included Senegal's Baaba Maal and Britain's Noisettes, whose singer Shingai Shoniwa, born in London to Zimbabwean parents, was given a mid-performance piggyback ride through an ecstatic crowd.
Last year 62,000 tickets were sold and a further 4,000 given away. HIFA employs about 1,500 people, a third of whom are jobless or homeless, and helps about 300 orphans or vulnerable children. With no government funding, it relies on corporate sponsors, donors, small companies and foreign embassies.
But five years ago it faced the charge of fiddling while Rome burned: Zimbabwe's hyperinflation reached an estimated 6.5 sextillion per cent, supermarket shelves were bare and cholera claimed thousands of lives. Manuel Bagorro, 48, the festival's founder, recalled: "People were starving a stone's throw from the gates of a glossy and sparkly festival.
"But the money we'd sourced was not going to be available for anything else. Either we do nothing or we do something we can, which is putting on a wonderful arts festival and developing a new audience. We felt we could provide something hopeful and aware of the context of the time. When somebody stands on a stage, it's a statement about human rights and the capacity of the arts to reach people in new ways."
ButHIFA rarely goes in for explicit political statements in a country where opposition members, activists, artists, journalists and idle gossipers are routinely arrested for insulting President Robert Mugabe. Bagorro, 48, explained: "It's about keeping a balance and not damaging the festival and throwing the baby out with the bath water in an attempt to be right on. I didn't want us to say: 'Look how brave we are.'"
HIFA sailed close to the wind with a 2011 opening show that featured the song Diamonds are Forever, Chinese aeroplanes and diamonds being stolen from children. Bagorro and colleagues were taken to Harare central police station for questioning that involved "a lot of shouting and accusations but also a realisation that there was nothing to be done". As it has been for centuries under repressive regimes, metaphor remains a potent weapon, but not always by design. "In plays now if an old man with glasses walks on stage everyone assumes it's the president," Bagorro added. "Someone reads political meanings into something that wasn't the intention."
Neither Mugabe nor the prime minister, Morgan Tsvangirai, has attended the festival, he added, but various ministers slip in without fanfare.
Years of strife in Zimbabwe and the attendant media coverage mean that HIFA is still a hard sell to the outside world. This year's artistic director, Gavin Peter, admitted: "It's almost impossible. Even in Johannesburg people don't believe it when I show them pictures. I do think it would blow people's minds. It blows our minds.
"Some artists are nervous. In a lot of places it's a red-listed country still, especially in an election year. The only way to combat it is a lot of positive communication. You can't guarantee that something won't happen but we will do our best to make sure it doesn't. A lot of people support it for that reason: positive reinforcement is nice."
Peter, 40, added: "Of course there's plenty of fear. It is a scary place, a foreign country in the middle of Africa. Perhaps that's the charm: you have to rough it a bit, but not too much."
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Incarceration of opposition party's youth president is sign of president's desperation, says Movement for Democratic Change
A Zimbabwean opposition youth leader arrested for allegedly calling Robert Mugabe a "limping donkey" who should be put out to pasture is to spend a second week behind bars.Solomon Madzore, head of the youth wing of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), denies describing the 89-year-old president that way and claims the charge was trumped up by police loyal to Mugabe's Zanu-PF party.
In a further sign of rising tensions before elections expected this year, a newspaper editor and reporter were arrested on Tuesday and charged with publishing false statements prejudicial to the state.
Madzore was arrested on 2 May after allegedly insulting the president during a pre-election rally in Mbire, Mashonaland Central province. The MDC said prosecutors have used a contentious appeal law to block a court ordering his release on $100 bail. He faces a fine or several months' imprisonment.
The MDC claimed Madzore's arrest was a sign of desperation by Zanu-PF, calling it "the kicks of a dying horse". Clifford Hlatywayo, spokesman for the MDC youth assembly, who was at the rally, said: "The accusation is not true. He said he respects the person and the office of the president and wants Zimbabwe to move forward. We don't remember him insulting individuals. These are fabrications that are meant to disturb the movement and the person."
Hlatywayo said the youth assembly was campaigning for the prime minister and MDC leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, around the country and calling for a peaceful vote, a message that riled Zanu-PF. He added: "Zanu-PF is allergic to peace. It hates peace so anyone who proclaims peace is an enemy to them. They brew and drink violence."
Hlatywayo visited Madzore in remand prison on Wednesday. "He is in a good condition. The jail is well-known for inhumane conditions but he is surviving well. He is in high spirits. He is giving us courage to soldier on and encouraging us to continue with our campaign."
Madzore has previously spent more than 400 days in prison in connection with the death of a policeman.
Detention for making offensive comments about the presidency is not unusual in Zimbabwe. At least 60 have been arrested and charged with insulting Mugabe since 2010, according to Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights.
Two journalists from the Independent newspaper were arrested on Tuesday over allegations of publishing "falsehoods" against state institutions involving reports that generals and security chiefs were willing to meet Tsvangirai, who is seeking reforms in the armed forces.
Dumisani Muleya and Owen Gagare, editor and chief reporter of the weekly paper, were released later in the day after police said their investigations into the allegations were continuing.
Mugabe's two most senior generals have publicly said they will not meet Tsvangirai. The Independent's reports that other generals are willing to do so allegedly demoralised the ranks of the police and military and jeopardised state security.
In comments reported byrelayed by the Media Institute of Southern Africa after his seven-hour detention at Harare central police station, Muleya said: "This is a clear abuse of state machinery and an act of systematic harassment and intimidation of journalists who are merely doing their job. This has always been a common feature of Zimbabwe under president Robert Mugabe and his Orwellian Zanu-PF regime since they came to power in 1980."
He added: "This uncalled-for move is calculated to muzzle the media, in this case ourselves, to scare us away from writing about such major issues of overwhelming public interest, especially security sector reform, ahead of general elections. But one really wonders why authoritarian regimes like the one in Zimbabwe still think they can successfully suppress the media in this digital and social media age."
Rights groups claim there has been an increase in arrests and intimidation of journalists and civil society activists as the country prepares for elections, probably in August or September, to end the shaky unity government formed by Mugabe and Tsvangirai in 2009.
Philani Zamchiya, outgoing regional director of the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, warned that "silence and subjugation" would be used. "There are likely to be systematic attacks on civil society organisations and activists as we proceed towards elections ...… It is rule by law, not rule of law."
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